As the executive director of the Living Independent Network Corp, Jeremy Maxand does what he can to help people who don’t drive get around in southern Idaho. As in most of rural America, public transit options are limited.
The nonprofit organization, which serves those with disabilities, receives $100,000 annually from the state through a federal appropriation. The money finances cards riders use to pay for transportation, but Maxand described the region’s transit as a “bare-minimum lifeline service” and “piecemeal.”
And yet, even that could soon worsen.
The surface transportation programs authorized by the $1.2 trillion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, signed by President Joe Biden in 2021, expire by the end of the year. Lawmakers are hammering out the details of the bipartisan BUILD America 250 Act, which would reauthorize those programs. Transportation advocates say the Biden-era legislation failed to broaden Americans’ mobility options beyond cars, but they see the proposed BUILD Act as a significant step backward.
That’s because the bill would authorize $16.5 billion less for public transit than its predecessor, with $103.3 billion over five years compared with the baseline of $119.9 billion in the Jobs Act, according to the American Public Transportation Association. When adjusted for inflation, the BUILD Act would need an additional $24 billion to match that level, according to the Urban Institute. Every state would receive at least $10 million less in formula funding over the five years the law would be in effect.
“There would be a large decline in funding for public transit, and that would especially be true for projects that require what’s called capital investment funding — projects that require major investments for new lines,” said Yonah Freemark, a researcher with the organization.
Freemark said the effects would extend well beyond major cities. “Public transit is often portrayed as something that is subways in New York City,” he said. “The reality is that millions of people rely on public transit in a lot of smaller communities, including a lot of rural communities and tribal communities around the country. … Those rural transit systems are much more reliant on federal support to provide the service that they offer than are the urban transit agencies.”
Many public transit agencies have been struggling financially since ridership plummeted during the pandemic, exacerbating years of underinvestment. Further cuts could have severe effects, particularly in rural areas, transit advocates and experts said.
The cuts could be particularly painful in Idaho, which the Urban Institute estimates would see the nation’s biggest percentage drop in federal formula transit funding, at 18 percent. Maxand noted that local governments have limited ability to raise money for public transportation.
“When the federal funding goes away, everything goes away,” he said. That could leave those with disabilities socially isolated, only able to leave their homes for medical needs.
Maine faces a similar problem. The Urban Institute estimates its federal formula funding would fall 16 percent. Josh Caldwell, a co-facilitator of Transportation for Maine who also works for the Natural Resources Council of Maine, said the state’s transit system already needs improvement.
“Nowhere in the state do we have service that is at the standard that we’d like to see, which is a regularity of every 15 minutes,” he said.
The state receives about 38 percent of its funding from the federal government. The Maine Department of Transportation already faces a $400 million transportation funding shortfall because gas tax revenues have decreased thanks, in part, to the state’s decision to freeze the tax relative to inflation in 2011.
Though less rural than Maine, Indiana would see a comparable decline in federal formula transit funding under the BUILD Act. Austin Gibble, a transit planner in Indianapolis, said the cuts could lead the region’s transit agency IndyGo to delay bus purchases, forcing it to rely on older, less reliable vehicles.
Gibble is more concerned about what the cuts might mean for less populated areas. “Rural agencies in Indiana are already horrifically oversubscribed,” he said. In Hamilton County, the largest county in Indiana without fixed route transit service, Gibble said the waitlist for rides on Hamilton County Express, which requires a reservation, can be weeks long.
The impacts aren’t limited to rural America. The Urban Institute estimates that New York City would lose $2.3 billion over five years. Representative Jerry Nadler, who represents parts of the city, was the lone Democrat on the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee to oppose the bill.
“It continues a familiar pattern: Highways are treated as the default national priority, while rail and transit are left fighting for insufficient resources, despite carrying millions of people, supporting regional economies, and reducing congestion,” Nadler said in a statement.
Danny Pearlstein, the policy and communications director at Riders Alliance, said Democrats should think bigger when it comes to transportation legislation.
“The Biden infrastructure bill was not the high water mark,” he said. “We could do much better than that in a variety of different ways, and we shouldn’t hold up bipartisanship as a core value of how we fund transportation when we have such sharply diverted views of the role of government to invest in people and communities.”
LeeAnn Hall, the campaign manager of the Alliance for a Just Society’s National Campaign for Transit Justice, said the debate is also about affordability. Transportation is the second-highest cost in Americans’ household budgets.
Reduced transit service could push some households toward another car, Hall said. “They have to pay more for gasoline. They’re going to be paying more for insurance. They have to think about parking. They have to think about maintenance and repair,” she said. “It’s expanding their household budget.”
Hall argued that investing in transit benefits people whether they use it or not. “Every dollar that we invest in public transit reduces congestion numbers, makes driving safer, and creates opportunities for families to have options,” she said.
As for residents of southern Idaho, Maxand hopes to provide them with as many transit options as possible, but they’re all getting more expensive to run, especially as fuel prices continue rising. He expects federal cuts to hit seniors and people with disabilities the hardest.
“It’s like saying you’re not going to pay for electricity to power the ventilator, but you’re going to leave the ventilator,” he said. “What are we doing here? This is not sustainable.”
Facts Only
* Jeremy Maxand is the executive director of the Living Independent Network Corp.
* The nonprofit receives $100,000 annually from the state through a federal appropriation.
* Surface transportation programs authorized by the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act expire by the end of the year.
* Lawmakers are working on the bipartisan BUILD America 250 Act to reauthorize these programs.
* The BUILD Act would authorize $16.5 billion less for public transit than its predecessor.
* The BUILD Act proposes $103.3 billion over five years, compared to a baseline of $119.9 billion in the Jobs Act, according to the American Public Transportation Association.
* The BUILD Act would require an additional $24 billion to match the level of funding from the Jobs Act, according to the Urban Institute.
* Every state would receive at least $10 million less in formula funding over five years under the BUILD Act.
* Yonah Freemark noted a large decline in funding for projects requiring capital investment.
* The Urban Institute estimates Idaho would see the nation’s biggest percentage drop in federal formula transit funding at 18 percent.
* The Urban Institute estimates New York City would lose $2.3 billion over five years.
* Transportation advocates argue that highways are prioritized over rail and transit in national policy.
Executive Summary
The federal authorization for surface transportation programs in the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act is set to expire at the end of the year, prompting discussions around the bipartisan BUILD America 250 Act, which aims to reauthorize these programs. Transportation advocates view the proposed BUILD Act as a step backward because it would authorize significantly less funding for public transit compared to previous legislation, with estimates suggesting billions less for transit over five years when adjusted for inflation. This reduction impacts projects requiring capital investment and disproportionately affects rural communities where transit systems rely heavily on federal support.
Financial strain is already evident across various regions; some agencies have faced ridership declines due to the pandemic, exacerbating existing underinvestment. Specific states face projected funding shortfalls, such as Idaho's estimated 18 percent drop in federal formula transit funding and Maine's projected 16 percent fall. This reduced funding can force transit agencies to delay necessary investments, such as purchasing new vehicles or maintaining service levels, particularly in less populated areas like rural Indiana. Furthermore, reduced transit access increases household transportation costs, pushing families toward using private vehicles due to the combined expenses of fuel, insurance, and maintenance.
Full Take
The narrative hinges on the tension between prioritizing highway infrastructure and ensuring equitable mobility for all citizens, especially those outside major metropolitan areas. The argument is structurally built around a perceived tradeoff: fiscal responsibility versus social equity in transportation spending. A key pattern emerges in how public good funding is allocated; when federal policy favors one mode of transport (highways) over another (transit), the consequences cascade into marginalized communities, particularly rural and lower-income populations who are less able to absorb increased costs. The focus on "capital investment" versus operational funding highlights a systemic bias toward large, visible projects rather than sustained, distributed public services.
The fear appeal is skillfully deployed by framing transit cuts not as an economic adjustment but as a direct threat to basic human necessities and social inclusion, particularly for vulnerable groups like those with disabilities or seniors, as exemplified by Maxand’s statement about essential life support systems. The juxtaposition of the fiscal data (billions lost) with the lived experience (a "bare-minimum lifeline service" in rural Idaho) creates a potent moral imperative against the policy direction. The implied assumption is that the current system, even when severely underfunded, must be maintained for human dignity, suggesting that cost-benefit analysis should not override fundamental rights to mobility and community access.
The failure of the legislative process appears to follow a pattern where broader consensus on the role of government in investing in public goods is bypassed in favor of established priorities. The critique from transportation advocates suggests a systemic failure in recognizing the economic value of transit for regional economies, which functions outside the narrow framework of immediate fiscal balancing. The question then becomes: what alternative paradigm—one that embeds long-term community and accessibility needs into the foundation of federal investment—could shift this outcome? What mechanisms exist to ensure that federal support for transit is structured around universal access rather than merely maintaining existing, limited services?
